Rocha Moya spits up and looks for the head of the mayor of Ahome • Forbes Politics • Forbes Mexico

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The unpresentable governor of Sinaloa, Rubén Rocha Moya, has initiated one more of his political persecutions, now against the mayor of Ahome, Gerardo Vargas Landeros, with the seal of the 4T house: using a State Prosecutor’s Office as an operating and executing arm when someone is uncomfortable.

It is curious that in the middle of the cemetery of bones in what has become Sinaloa under the “mandate” of Rocha Moya, and put in quotes because all in Sinaloa and in Mexico and in the United States, they know who commands in that territory, this fourth politician

While the official data of the 4T in security matters confirm that Ahome is the safest municipality in that state, Rocha Moya using Corrientes Artimañas, seeks to derail Vargas Landeros, which although imperfect, is one of the best seen mayors in the country.

First he bought patrols and invest a lot in it. Although curiously the public accounts of 2021, 2022 and 2023 approved those exercises and closed without problem.

In an unprecedented event under the orders of the “Tatita” Rocha Moya, the superior audit of the State reculled and said that no, that Vargas Landeros, who had been approved, now realized that there was something very weird on the issue of patrols.

The criminal complaint against Mayor Gerardo Octavio Vargas Landeros and eight more people, is for a lease of 126 Mortice units (patrols) and is the reason that he is using the one who says he governs Sinaloa.

The story began in 2021, in the middle of the pandemic, when a lease contract of 126 motor units (main emphasis for patrols) was held, between the City Council of Ahome and the Moral Grinleasing company.

Suddenly and just when the polls place Vargas Landeros to the top to succeed Rocha Moya, the criminal complaint was reactivated on February 17, 2025.

This complaint has the immediate objective, which they have accelerated to achieve it as soon as possible, is the lawlessness and separation of the position of Mayor Gerardo Vargas.

The foregoing responds to a dynamic of political repositioning in Sinaloa towards the electoral process of 2027, in which the mayor is a competitive actor within the ruling party and with clear electoral possibilities to dispute the candidacy for governorship.

The lease of 126 motor units, mainly for administrative patrols and areas, was carried out through direct award in December 2021, with the justification of exception for being a municipal public security issue.

The foregoing, motivated a criminal complaint by the superior audit of the State, clearly poorly made according to experts, since it is incompetent, because it is the expense of federal resources by 70% and the rest (30%) were resources of the City Council of Ahome.

Clarifying that, in 2022, the Superior Audit of the Federation audited said lease and determined that there was no patrimonial damage, only a regulatory breach (PRA), which is in the process of solving in the ASF for being competent for it and not the local audit.

From there you can see the brown form that Rocha Moya has directed this attack.

The Prosecutor’s Office tries to build a investigation folder and, with it, collaborate with the Congress of the State of Sinaloa, so that it requests the plenary of Mayor Gerardo Vargas without having tried anything criminal.

As they did at the time with Jesus Estrada Ferreiro (former mayor of Culiacán); Jesus Guillermo Benitez Torres, aka “El Chemist” Benítez (former mayor of Mazatlan); and the Autonomous University of Sinaloa (UAS) itself, which originated the murder of Héctor Melisio Cuen Ojeda.

To date, the criminal complaint has been worked politically and mediately, carrying out 68 information requirements (41 to the attorney and 28 to the Mayor Gerardo Vargas), mostly badly founded and motivated, whose purpose is electoral, not legal political.

In this persecution in Sinaloa they have summoned 11 public servants as witnesses, harassing them to try to achieve armed testimonials for their objective.

In this way, one of the two governors who the DEA and the intelligence agencies of the United States monitor either from the Pacific Ocean or from the air, the other is Américo Villarreal, he wants to get rid of an imperfect, but well seen by his governed.

No one talks to me. In the process of the year 2020 when Rocha Moya and Vargas Landeros reached the overtime and booths of penalties to know who the candidate would be for the election for governor, there were very rare things and buses loaded so that Mario Delgado, then Morena’s national leader, chose in a survey, which never existed, to Rocha Moya, with everything and the antecedents of corruption that they know all in Sinaloa.

Today Rocha Moya has also designed through its operators from the Senate, operators accused of sexual crimes, a black campaign very much in the style of the Televisa Leaks Black OPP.

Now Rocha Moya, of all known in that entity and in the intelligence agencies of the United States, for its proximity to the drug cartels in Sinaloa, states that Vargas Landero has to do with May Zambada.

Little by Rocha Moya never visited Cosalá, near Las Minas, where did he have its Zambada Operations Center?

Little by Rocha Moya did not greeted the heirs of the “Chapo” Guzmán Loera already their closest?

Little by Rocha Moya never sat down to talk with all those narco leaders in Sinaloa?

In Sinaloa, if you want governance, the rulers, we like it or not, they must agree with those groups, if they want the party to be in peace.

Time to time. Time to time. Because in El Porvenir, surely the information of the airplanes with the highest technology that navigate in the Pacific and the drones from the Sinaloense air, they will surely be having good data of what really happens with the current governor of Sinaloa.

*Víctor Hugo Arteaga is the winner of the 2016 National Journalism Award For the research report the ghost companies of Javier Duarte, the former governor who is imprisoned thanks to that work.

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The opinions expressed are only the responsibility of their authors and are completely independent of the position and the editorial line of Forbes Mexico.

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