In the “Interregno” of the presidency of Calderón to Peña Nieto, a proposal was inherited that promised to combat corruption, a new anti -corruption model. Anchored in the so -called “Pact for Mexico”, the approach consisted of the creation of an “National Anti -Corruption Commission and commissions of the federative entities”, as an organ with autonomy, in the style of INE or INAI.
Ironically, neither the National Anti -Corruption Commission materialized during the six -year period of Peña Nieto, nor today the INAI exists, like other autonomous organs, while other institutions have been created under the mandate of the so -called fourth transformation.
10 years after the creation of the National Anti -Corruption System (SNA) it is necessary to assess that structure, because it is finally the commitment to which the Mexican State chose to face the scourge of corruption.
Recall that the Legislative Power, with the promotion of civil and academic organizations, approved in 2015 a coordination mechanism between distinct institutions, with citizen participation, to prevent, detect and sanction the diversion of public resources.
At the time, the participation of citizenship gave SNA a special seal, as well as in each federative entity and, in some states, in the municipalities, as is the particular case of the State of Mexico with 125 municipal anti -corruption systems. However, the truth is that it was until the triumph of the leadership of López Obrador that the speech that talks about citizen participation was endowed.
A few days ago, on the occasion of the commemoration of the SNA, the head of the Anti -Corruption Secretariat and good governance, Raquel Buenrostro, spoke of the need to rethink the approach of the system towards a preventive objective. He has probably said it thinking about the powers that his secretariat has when investigating administrative offenses, which would have to be robust in state and municipal government orders.
Another enormous impulse that SNA can have is with the creation of the digital transformation agency and telecommunications, an entity that is not even foreseen in the wake of institutions that are members of the system, among other things because its genesis is in the management of President Claudia Sheinbaum as head of government of the CDMX.
For a long time, there has been talk, with some presumption, that Mexico has various systems to address different problems. National Transparency System, National Anti -Corruption System, Regulatory Improvement System, National Supervision System, National Archives System and National System of Statistical and Geographic Information, are some examples. A fundamental problem to analyze, diagnose and build public policies based on the information of these systems is the lack of integration of what they produce to be used together.
However, having standards for approved information and compatible technological systems for the management of databases goes beyond, as it represents a new paradigm of the government management model.
Institutional interoperability allows the exchange of information between public administrations, and between them and private companies and non -governmental organizations that must interact with the State, in order to achieve a unique digital ecosystem (NASSER, 2021).
If for former President López Obrador, the measure to eradicate corruption was to claim the exercise of public service through honesty, for President Sheinbaum it seems that the solution will be more science and hard data. Until the data “talk to each other” and are socially exploited, we can see a light on the road and think that the fight against corruption is being fought with intelligence, honesty and political will. In that context, SNA could have a hopeful horizon.
About the author:
Palmira Tapia is a teacher in public policies from the University of Oxford and a degree in Political Science and International Relations, by the Economic Research and Teaching Center (CIDE).
Twitter: @palmiratapia
The opinions expressed are only the responsibility of their authors and are completely independent of the position and the editorial line of Forbes Mexico.
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